|
Каспинфо апрель 2001 |
|
Название: Материалы на английском Главные Пункты: * Российско-иранская декларация по Каспию вызывает беспокойство не только нефтяных компаний, опасающихся, что документ затормозит строительство новых трубопроводов на Каспии, но и США, недовольных сотрудничеством Ирана и России по вопросам вооружений. * Правительство Коста-Рики намерено разрешить добычу нефти на побережье. Тысячи жителей страны выступили с протестом против добычи топлива на побережье, опасаясь, что это нанесет огромный ущерб уникальной природе и животному миру Коста - Рики. * 7 ведущих нефте- и горнодобывающих компаний подписали Кодекс поведения ТНК, обязывающий их соблюдать общепризнанные стандарты в области охраны прав и свобод человека. Данный документ имеет ряд явных недостатков, среди которых отсутствие гарантий соблюдения прав человека. (05.04.2001) Полный Текст Материалы на английском *** BUSINESS & ECONOMICS March 27, 2001 IRAN'S DIPLOMATIC SUCCESS IN CASPIAN BAD NEWS FOR WESTERN BUSINESS INTERESTS Afshin Molavi: 3/22/01 Iran has reason to be hopeful and Western business interests have cause for concern as the five Caspian Basin states gear up for a critical conference that aims to create a framework for the division of the seaнs natural resources. The Caspian equation appeared to be turned on its head following Iranian President Mohammad Khatamiнs mid-March visit to Russia. Khatamiнs summit with Russian leader Vladimir Putin, a meeting that one Iranian diplomat billed as "critical to the future of Central Asia and the Caspian region," opened the door for a substantial revision of the Caspianнs division с one that is much more favorable to Iran. When Khatami arrived in Moscow, Caspian delimitation seemed the most contentious subject that the Iranian and Russian leaders would face. Iran staunchly opposes the current thinking on territorial division. Under the current draft framework, Iran would gain about a 14 percent share of the seaнs territory. Tehran has argued for the littoral states to divide the resources equally, 20 percent per country, an arrangement that, prior to the summit, Russia, along with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, had opposed. Turkmenistan, a large natural gas supplier to Iran, has staked out a more ambiguous position, expressing verbal support for Tehran but not backing its words with much action. Iran sought and won a postponement of the Caspian Basin meeting of the five Caspian Basin states - Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkmenistan - that was originally planned for March 8-9 in the Turkmen capital Ashgabat, until it could talk to Russia. The delay proved fruitful for Iran. The joint declaration issued by Khatami and Putin said simply: "Until the legal regime of the Caspian Sea is finalized, the parties do not officially acknowledge any boundaries on this sea." The two leaders also said that no pipeline should be allowed to run along the seabed and that non-littoral states would be forbidden from deploying naval forces in the Caspian. The statement is viewed as a diplomatic victory in Tehran, especially since it rankled Caspian rivals Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. Though Russia did not agree with Tehran's point of view, it did not choose to openly confront Iran either, an important point not missed among Iranian foreign policy-makers. Western oil companies operating in nearby Caspian states have reason for concern. An Iranian-Russian alliance on Caspian energy issues could be sufficient to dash thoughts of a Turkmen gas pipeline to Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey. The Khatami-Putin declaration also injects an air of uncertainty into legal ownership of Caspian oil fields, making foreign investors nervous. Foreign investors are not the only ones showing signs of nerves. Western governments, especially top US officials, lashed out at Russia for its arms talks with Iran, spawning a Cold War style war of words between the Pentagon and Russian officials. US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said in an interview with the Sunday Telegraph that Russia has become a "chief distributor of weapons of mass destruction" to so-called "rogue states." Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz wondered aloud why Russia routinely sought to counter U.S interests, especially since the U.S has offered so much aid and assistance to Russia in the past. He hinted that past assistance has not been used adequately as leverage against Russia. US Secretary of State Colin Powel also objected vigorously to the Russia-Iran talks. Russian Security Council secretary Sergei Ivanov dismissed Americanobjections, noting that his country would not accept ultimatums from anyone. He also took a jab right back at the United States, noting that "we are concerned with U.S military technical contacts with Pakistan possessing of nuclear weapons. We are also concerned about U.S large weapons supplies to Saudi Arabia." Russian President Vladimir Putin added fuel to the fire by saying that Russia plans to speed up the construction of Iran's nuclear power reactor in the south, a reactor that Washington feels could be an important stepping stone toward Iran acquiring nuclear technology to be used in weapons. An estimated $300 million in arms sales was discussed during Khatami's March visit. With oil prices high, Iran could become an important customer for Russia's new generation of T-72 and T-90 tanks. Iran also needs SU-27 and MIG-29 aircraft and small arms and radar equipment. An Iranian military delegation was treated to a demonstration of the Tor-M1 and Osa ground-to-air missile system while on a visit to a missile factory in Izhvesk. Talks on missile sales will continue over the next few months, Iranian diplomats said. Overall, Iran and Russia have much to agree on: both object to the US influence in the region; both are equally alarmed by Turkish efforts to play a significant role in regional commercial and political affairs; both want to continue nuclear cooperation for the construction of power plants in southern Iran; both share frustration with what they view as American attempts to dictate policies to them; both support the anti-Taliban alliance headed by Ahmad Shah Massoud; and both are generally supportive of Armenia in the ongoing Nagorno-Karabakh peace process. And now, both insist that no division of the Caspian is legitimate without unanimous consent of all five littoral states. The US factor will be critical in determining the future fate of Iran-Russia ties. Eugene Rumer, a specialist on Russia's Middle East policy, described the 1990's as "the decade of Iran" in Russian-US relations. He says; "no issue on the bilateral U.S-Russian agenda has potential to cause more harm to the relationship." Left alone, Russia and Iran would probably act more as regional rivals than regional partners. However, given an outside force seeking to impose its will, the two states have formed a reactive alliance of mutual interests. With the United States unlikely to retreat from its position in the Caspian and Central Asia, or to back down from its hard-line position on Iranian acquisition of weapons of mass destruction, it is likely that Iran and Russia will continue to cooperate. Editor's Note: Afshin Molavi is a journalist based in Tehran, Iran. His work has appeared in the Washington Post. Posted March 22, 2001 © Eurasianet http://www.eurasianet.org *** fyi from the CorpWatch website... TAKE ACTION No Oil Development on Costa Rican Coast! Source: Global Response Action Posted: March 22, 2001 "We declare Costa Rica free from all oil exploration and extraction, and we invite our government to do the same, becoming a world leader in sustainable development." --- Public Declaration signed by thousands of Costa Rican organizations and individuals Over the past two decades, Costa Rica has built a huge tourist industry on its reputation for environmental protection. Say "Costa Rica," and images of lush rainforests and pristine beaches come to mind. That's why Costa Ricans and tourists alike are shocked and outraged to learn that the government has granted concessions for oil development in some of the country's most cherished protected areas. The "rich coast," named by Columbus, is the region now known as Talamanca - one of the most biologically rich areas in the world. Marine resources, including magnificent coral reefs, mangroves, sea turtle nesting beaches, rare manatees, and over 100 species of fish, are protected by Cahuita National Park and the Gandoca-Manzanillo Wildlife Refuge. Ground-breaking dolphin research is being conducted in the only area in the world where two dolphin species are known to interbreed in the wild (see the tale of the tucuxi in the box, below). Talamanca's mountainous terrain and tropical rainforest vegetation are as biologically rich as the sea, earning protection as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. In all, 88% of Talamanca's territory has some degree of protection. Talamanca's biological diversity is matched by its cultural diversity: Bribri and Cabecar indigenous groups manage two indigenous reserves, and the coast is dotted with fishing-farming villages founded by immigrants of Afro-Caribbean descent. Eco-tourism has become the most important source of income in Talamanca, drawing visitors from around the world.The diverse Talamanca peoples are united in their opposition to oil development along their coast. The municipal government declared Talamanca county an "oil free zone," and 30 citizens' organizations (virtually all in the region) formed a coalition called ADELA to stop oil development before the damage to Talamanca ecosystems becomes irreversible. Who would drill for oil against such united opposition? The answer is Harken Energy, a Houston, Texas, company that has strong links to U.S. President George W. Bush, formerly a major shareholder and member of the board of directors. Harken's off-shore high-energy seismic explorations may already be affecting marine mammals, lobster and other marine species, according to marine scientists. ADELA won a major victory in September 2000, when the Costa Rican Supreme Court invalidated the Harken concession. But the same Court later gave in to pressure from government agencies and oil companies, and reinstated the permit. The people of Talamanca call on Costa Rica, as a signer of the Rio Declaration of 1992, the Climate Change Convention of 1993 and the Kyoto Protocol of 1997, to become a leader in clean energy development, since fossil fuels threaten biodiversity, local economies and the global climate. Requested Action Please write letters to the president of Costa Rica and the CEO of Harken Energy Corp., supporting the Talamanca people's demand for no oil development on the Caribbean coast (see below). Background Information Biodiversity in Costa Rica Costa Rica's National Biodiversity Institute (INBio) estimates that 4 to 6 percent of the world's species are found in Costa Rica, although the country comprises only .01% of global territory. Of the estimated 500,000 species, less than 20% have been described. Costa Rica is especially noted for the density of its biodiversity: for every 10,000 square kilometers, Costa Rica has 295 tree species, compared to Colombia with 35 and Brazil with 6. Tucuxis in Talamanca The tucuxi (pronounced "too KOO shee") is one of the least-studied dolphin species. Scientists were surprised to find the diminutive tucuxis off the Talamanca shore, since their range was thought to extend only from Panama south to Brazil. Even more surprising, the resident population of tucuxis in Talamanca intermingle and appear to mate with bottlenose dolphins. "This is the only place in the world where we have the opportunity to observe ongoing inter-species breeding in the wild," says Dr. Paul Forestell of Southampton College, who is studying the dolphins. "In Talamanca we have a very rare opportunity to learn completely new things about inter-species relations. The oil exploration definitely puts these marine mammals at risk." Studies have shown that the noise and disturbances of oil exploration and other industrial activities cause stress in dolphins and drive them away, Forestell says. "Prolonged stress is a deadly disease in mammals - dolphins as well as humans. We are pressuring marine mammals to adjust to our technologies faster than they have evolved to withstand." Tucuxis depend on mangrove habitat for food and shelter. Sensitive mangrove ecosystems around the world are being seriously compromised by pollution from oil development. With other marine scientists and local fishermen, Forestell formed the Talamanca Dolphin Foundation to study and protect dolphins and dolphin habitat. Using underwater microphones, they are learning whether the tucuxis and bottlenose dolphins make different sounds when they're in mixed company versus single-species groups - a unique contribution to the study of dolphin "language." For more information, see: www.dolphinlink.org; http://library.thinkquest.org/17963; www.cosmovisiones.com/adela; www.tmmc.org/dolphins.htm; www.inbio.ac.cr/en/biod/Biod.html. Requested Action and Sample Letter Please send polite letters to the president of Costa Rica and the CEO of Harken Energy Corporation. Sr. Presidente de la Republica Miguel Angel Rodriguez Casa Presidencial Apdo. 520-2010 Zapote San Jose, COSTA RICA AX: Int'l code+ 506-253-9078 Congratulate him on Costa Rica's leadership in establishing protected areas and developing eco-tourism to protect the country's magnificent biodiversity. Express your alarm that he would permit oil/gas development on the Caribbean coast, endangering exceptionally rich and fragile marine and terrestrial ecosystems, and threatening the eco-tourism economy. Remind him that Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration, signed by Costa Rica, requires civic participation in development decisions; the Talamanca county government and citizens overwhelmingly oppose oil development. Urge him to cancel oil/gas concessions and take leadership in this century's most important challenge: replacing fossil fuel dependence with clean energy. Bruce Huff, CEO Harken Energy Corporation 16285 Park Ten Place, Suite 600 Houston TX 77084 FAX: Int'l code+ 281-717-1400 Express your alarm that Harken intends to explore for oil and gas along Costa Rica's Caribbean coast - one of the most biologically rich regions of the planet. Oil development has harmed and destroyed fragile coral reef, mangrove, and estuary ecosystems around the world; Harken cannot guarantee that such disasters will not occur in Costa Rica. Remind him that Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration, signed by Costa Rica, requires civic participation in development decisions; the Talamanca county government and citizen organizations overwhelmingly oppose oil development. Tell him that you stand with the people of Talamanca against oil and gas development that threatens invaluable natural resources and the eco-tourism economy as well. Thanks for your letters -- Personal letters are a powerful tool for social change and environmental protection! This Global Response Action was issued at the request of and with information provided by Accion de Lucha Antipetrolera (ADELA) and the Talamanca Dolphin Foundation. Special thanks to Dr. Paul Forestell, Southampton College. *** Dear friends, Look that! It's very interesting info about voluntary codex pablished by the ERI. Sergey -------------- Sincerity Test for Codes of Conduct ERI Editorial, January 28, 2001 With human rights scandals tainting the operations of extractive resource operations around the world, seven major oil and mining companies recently signed a code of conduct pledging that their security operations will meet minimal human rights standards. A number of governments, human rights and media organizations were quick to praise the initiative as an "important step." But before we applaud too vigorously, we should evaluate whether voluntary codes such as this one are truly a step in the right direction. True, it is high time transnational corporations publicly acknowledge that human rights violations are part of their drilling, pipeline, mining, and other extractive resource projects, and we appreciate this recognition. However, these voluntary standards fall far short of what we should demand from corporations claiming to engage in responsible business practices. We need mandatory requirements-laws, not voluntary codes-that force ALL transnational corporations to protect the human rights of citizens in their host countries. Texaco, Shell, Chevron, British Petroleum, Conoco, Freeport McMoRan, and Rio Tinto agreed, in a pledge signed with the British and U.S. governments, to try to ensure that security forces, either their own or those contracted with local governments, to respect the human rights of local citizens. Specifically, the corporations promise to encourage private and police security forces to comply with the rule of law. This includes insisting that security forces use minimum necessary force, not hire known human rights violators, and respect local people's right to demonstrate and collectively bargain. It sounds good. Unfortunately, it sounds better than it is. First, the standards are purely voluntary. There is no mechanism for their enforcement, and no remedy for their infraction. No government will monitor these corporations' compliance, and a failure to comply will subject them to the court of public opinion, and no other court. And that's assuming the public learns of any infractions. Second, these standards are "soft," at best. Companies will "attempt to ensure" that security guards don't have records as abusers; they "should" report human rights abuses to the local government and "urge" investigations. Trying to ensure that peoples' human rights are protected in the course of these projects is insufficient; making sure they're protected is what we should demand. And third, these voluntary standards don't cover all corporations-only those that choose to sign on. Granted, one can imagine corporations from extractive industries rushing to sign this code of conduct, but not necessarily because they're committed to human rights protection. By signing the voluntary code, corporations may be seeking to fend off a tougher challenge: legislation that requires them to behave responsibly. International Right to Know legislation, for example, requiring corporations to disclose information about their human rights, environmental, and labor practices abroad, exposes corporations to real scrutiny. Transnational corporations that extract resources for a living claim that they don't have the luxury of only doing business with "good" governments. They have to go where the resources are, they say, and it so happens that resources co-exist alongside repressive regimes and brutal military forces in some cases. In their arguments to defend their business practices, many corporations imply that activists and indigenous peoples are naive if they think resource extraction can occur without violence. It is the transnational corporations that are naive if they think people will be fooled by voluntary codes of conduct. Indigenous groups and NGOs, working in partnership, have learned a hard lesson: assurances are not enough. Responsible corporate behavior requires public scrutiny, which in turn requires transparency. We must demand laws, not voluntary standards, that require corporations in extractive industries to make their human rights, environmental, and labor practices visible to citizens. Once we can see what's happening, we can demand accountability. And so, perhaps the most important question about this code of conduct is this: Does it take us gradually toward transparency, in the form of binding legislation, or is it more likely to delay such legislation? Here is a simple test to determine whether the companies that have signed this code of conduct are sincere about their intentions: Would they support an International Right to Know Law that would require the same steps these companies have agreed to take voluntarily? Over the next few weeks, EarthRights International will be asking the seven companies that have signed the code of conduct for their position on an International Right To Know Law. The results will be published here. Stay tuned. http://www.earthrights.org/news/codeconduct.html ISAR 1601 Connecticut Ave NW #301 202-387-3034, fax: 667-3291 www.isar.org |